This OBR resignation solves nothing – but could cover a lot
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This is a ‘dead cat’, isn’t it?
The head of a non-governmental organisation quits over a mistake that didn’t change anything other than embarrassing a politician and it’s a big nothing, in This Writer’s opinion.
Here’s the BBC:
“The chairman of the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) has resigned following the Budget day error which saw a key document published early.
“Richard Hughes said in his resignation letter he took “full responsibility” for the issues that were identified in the OBR’s investigation into the error.
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“On Monday the report into the mishap concluded it had “inflicted heavy damage on the OBR’s reputation”, but added that it was inadvertent.
““It is the worst failure in the 15-year history of the OBR,” the report said.”
This looks and smells like a classic “dead cat” — a big, noisy spectacle thrown onto the table to divert everyone’s attention from something far more politically damaging.
And this one has all the hallmarks…
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Your Party has gone badly wrong – fast
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This is disheartening, from disability campaigner, DPAC member, and sharer of my birthday Paula Peters:
“I left the disability group for “Your Party”
“I do not support gate keeping, egos, exclusion or bullying
“They didn’t like being called out on it
“They were
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“I’m done with this BS
“I’m not being spoken down to, patronised and told to shut up or told I do not like the word no.
“I’m a working class disabled woman
“I will call it out
“Shove your group”
Your Party – now its official name, and a terrible choice – has been holding its inaugural conference and it hasn’t been very impressive.
From the outside, this looks less like the foundation of a serious political alternative and more like a case study in how not to build a new party…
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Keir Starmer has been telling us nonsense about the Budget and the government
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UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer wants us to judge his government by its intentions, rather than its achievements.
He has written in The Guardian, and as I type this, he has just given a speech, trying to brainwash us into believing that even if he hasn’t made the right decisions so far, he will in the future.
Here’s how he put it in The Guardian:
“The government’s purpose is nothing less than the renewal of our economy, our communities and our state.
“By doing that, we will end decline and restore faith in our country. We will take on those on the left and right who only offer grievance and whose approach would lead to further decline.
“In a speech on Monday, I will place the budget in the context of the broader economic renewal on which the government will be judged at the end of this parliament.
“If we are to achieve the national renewal we seek, we must do more to encourage growth, to tackle inactivity among young people and to pursue closer international cooperation with our trading partners.”
Let’s discuss the detail.
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The core problem is that he is asking to be judged on intentions, not outcomes.
Starmer’s entire piece is an exercise in narrative management: don’t look at the Budget itself — look at my “mission”.
That is telling, because governments that are confident in their achievements point to results, not aspirations.
Instead, we have been given a series of claims that don’t match reality. Let’s dissect them:
Claim 1: “We made the right choices… cutting bills, protecting the NHS, tackling child poverty”
The reality is a little different.
The so-called “£150 off energy bills” is a temporary, heavily-spun measure that does not address spiralling standing charges or structural energy profiteering. It is, at best, a sticking-plaster – and Starmer once claimed he didn’t do “sticking-plaster” politics.
“Protecting the NHS” is contradicted by continued real-terms funding pressures, workforce shortages, and the ongoing shift towards privatised delivery mechanisms (accelerators, surgical hubs, private outsourcing).
“Removing the two-child limit” did not appear in the Budget. What happened was a restatement of intention coupled with a delayed and unclear timetable — and even then, the OBR has already said it is not enough to make a dent in poverty without broader welfare changes.
None of these measures reverses the decade of deterioration caused by the Conservatives. They merely “manage” the rate of decline. And oh, look! Starmer just said he’s against “managed decline” in his speech.
He is taking credit for things he hasn’t done, or has not done fully – and he is misleading us about them.
Rachel Reeves has been in serious trouble for allegedly misleading us. Will Starmer get the same treatment now?
Claim 2: “We ensured revenue was raised fairly… those with the broadest shoulders contributed their fair share”
Economists across the board — including many not hostile to Labour — have pointed out that the Budget entrenched:
- The freeze in income tax thresholds (a Tory policy, extended by Labour), creating a stealth tax drag that hits the lowest earners hardest.
- No wealth tax, no serious reform of capital gains, no equalisation of unearned income with earned income.
- Corporation tax concessions and reliefs that favour large players over SMEs.
Nothing here amounts to “fairer taxation”.
Claim 3: “The budget created a stable economic environment, driving down inflation and bond yields.”
Inflation was already falling because of global energy trends and post-pandemic supply normalisation. Government policy was only a marginal contributor.
Bond yields moved because of central bank signals, not because of Reeves’s speech.
This is classic political appropriation of macroeconomic trends that were set in motion long before Labour arrived.
Claim 4: “£120bn extra capital investment… biggest planning reforms… Heathrow/Gatwick expansion… trade deals with EU/India/US”
The majority of the cited “investment” is repackaged or re-phased spending already in departmental pipelines.
The planning reforms are the implementation of de-regulatory demands long lobbied for by developers, not strategic public planning.
The Heathrow/Gatwick expansion is environmentally incoherent and undermines climate targets Labour claims to respect.
The supposed “trade deals” barely exist: the EU one is a thin add-on, nothing remotely like single market alignment; the India/US deals are still little more than talking points.
Claim 5: “We must sweep away unnecessary regulation… there is nothing progressive about regulation that adds costs.”
This is neoliberal boilerplating, almost word-for-word from Conservative doctrine, with:
- De-regulation framed as pro-poor politics
- “Red tape” blamed for low growth, rather than corporate behaviour, profiteering, or wage suppression
- The business secretary tasked with eliminating “gold-plating” — Tory language, not Labour language
This is precisely why neoliberal actors like Starmer should not be classified as centre-left: this is right-wing economics in its purest form and in that sense, Starmer is no better than the Tories he replaced.
In fact, by labelling himself as the candidate for “Change”, he is worse.
Claim 6: “We inherited a failing welfare system… we will help young people with health conditions thrive”
Starmer was softening the public for more welfare conditionality.
The giveaways in his language are clear:
- He wants to “tackle inactivity among young people”;
- He says they have been “written off as too sick to work”;
- He says there is a “cycle of worklessness and dependency”
And he has commissioned Alan Milburn — a Blairite privatisation evangelist — to redesign youth welfare.
This is not compassion – it is preparation for tightening assessments and forcing disabled and neurodivergent people into low-paid work — precisely the Tory model he pretends to condemn.
Claim 7: “We will move towards a closer trading relationship with the EU.”
This is the single truthful line — but even here, it is thin.
Labour refused to back single market or customs union membership before and after the election.
“Closer trading relationship” means the minimum that can be achieved without enraging Brexit-sceptic swing voters.
It is marginal improvement dressed as strategic vision.
The most dishonest premise in the whole piece
Starmer portrays all criticism of his approach as “grievance” from “the left and right”.
This is an authoritarian manoeuvre: delegitimise opposition by lumping all dissent together.
It implies: “Only I am serious; all others are unserious.”
When leaders start saying “I alone represent seriousness”, they are insulating themselves from accountability.
Is there any reason to believe him?
No:
His claims do not match the Budget’s actual content.
- He has repackaged Tory economic thinking as Labour renewal.
- He has abandoned his own previous promises, repeatedly.
- The numbers do not support the narrative.
- His “missions” are rhetorical veneers over austerity-by-another-name.
- He pre-emptively pathologises critics rather than addressing criticism.
- The direction of travel — deregulation, welfare conditionality, planning reform for developers — is entirely neoliberal.
A government that intended a genuine programme of renewal would be reversing inequality, rebuilding public services, investing in people, reforming taxation, and strengthening workplace rights. Labour is doing none of these things.
This is not economic renewal.
It is mostly nonsense, and the parts that aren’t nonsense are misdirection.
It is continuity Conservatism with slightly more polished language.
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Constitutional crisis brews as lawyers defend jury trials against plan to end them
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Leading lawyers are pleading with the government not to commit the “irremediable error” of ending jury trials for most cases – but is their plea falling on deaf ears?
Here’s The Guardian to give you the context:
“More than 100 lawyers who wrote to the Ministry of Justice expressing significant concerns about plans to severely restrict jury trials say representations by the legal profession are being ignored.
“The government is expected to formally announce the changes, which have caused deep division among the judiciary and senior lawyers, as soon as next week.
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“The letter, whose signatories include 23 king’s counsel, expressed “deep concern” at the changes and said the recommendations from Sir Brian Leveson’s report would not reduce the court backlog.
“It called the plan to introduce judge-alone trials for all but the most serious offences an “irremediable error” that would end an ancient right for little benefit.”
So the Ministry of Justice is pushing ahead while silencing the legal profession.
This suggests a pre-determined agenda, not a policy responding to evidence…
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The media keep getting politics wrong – and the UK keeps paying the price
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Simon Wren-Lewis, writing at Mainly Macro, is reminding us this week that the greatest political failures of our age were not simply caused by bad governments but by a media that prefers popularity to accuracy.
His analysis of the Covid Inquiry shows a familiar pattern: experts warned us of danger, the government ignored them, the system failed us, and the media helped create the conditions in which that failure became possible.
The astonishing part is that we have seen this pattern before.
Again and again, over more than a decade, newspapers and broadcasters have chosen what they thought the public wanted to hear rather than what the evidence showed to be true.
In doing so, they have misled the public, encouraged weak or dishonest politics, and contributed to national decisions that have damaged the UK for years.
The problem is not abstract; it is painfully real. When the media get the big stories wrong, the consequences are measured in lower wages, poorer public services, political instability… and in the case of Covid, tens of thousands of needless deaths.
And the reason is straightforward: when journalists prioritise what sounds popular over what is correct, politicians follow the headlines instead of the facts.
Wren-Lewis’s argument is worth expanding with some clear examples. They show a consistent failure in how the media treats expertise, and how that shapes political reality.
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In the early 2010s, experts in economics were warning that austerity would cause long-term harm – not improvements – to public finances and public services.
They pointed out that when interest rates are at or near zero, governments should invest heavily in the health service, care, housing, and infrastructure because the cost of borrowing is minimal.
That is simple economics.
Yet most newspapers and broadcasters pushed the opposite argument.
They repeated slogans about “balancing the books” and compared government spending to a household budget, even though these comparisons are false.
The result was years of cuts that undermined social care, weakened the NHS, slowed economic growth and created the staff shortages the UK still suffers today.
Voters were misled because the media preferred a story about “tough choices” to the harder truth.
Brexit
Then came the Brexit debate, in which the media repeated the same pattern.
The overwhelming majority of experts said leaving the European Union would harm the economy.
These were researchers who study trade, business investment, and the value of the pound for a living.
Yet the media treated their knowledge as just one opinion among many.
Commentators who insisted Brexit would cause no damage – even though they could not produce credible evidence – were given equal time on television and radio, as though expertise and guesswork were of equal value.
This gave the public the impression that the truth was unclear, when in fact it was very clear indeed.
The result is visible today in higher prices, weaker investment and lower growth.
Once again, the public were encouraged to believe something comforting rather than something true.
Covid-19
The pandemic revealed this behaviour in its starkest form.
The Covid Inquiry has made clear that the UK government wasted the crucial weeks of early 2020, when it had time to prepare and possibly avoid the first national lockdown.
Expert warnings were sounded.
Other countries were already taking action.
But those warnings did not shape the news.
Newspapers owned by billionaire proprietors focused on the economic inconvenience of restrictions rather than the need to save lives.
Broadcasters gave airtime to people claiming we could ride out the virus and “take it on the chin”.
Boris Johnson, who openly joked that newspaper owners were his “real boss”, followed their lead.
When the government finally imposed a lockdown, the delay meant far more people died than needed to, and the restrictions had to remain in place for longer.
A delay of just one week cost more than 20,000 lives.
But because those deaths were the result of what didn’t happen – because people were not protected in time – the media treated them as less real than the social gatherings in Downing Street that eventually forced Johnson out.
Channel migrants
This pattern is not limited to older events; it is happening now. One of the clearest examples is the constant media focus on small boat crossings.
The facts are straightforward: the numbers arriving by this route are tiny compared to the UK’s overall population, and far lower han arrivals in several European countries.
The crisis in the asylum system has been caused largely by Home Office incompetence and by ministers who refused to process claims promptly.
But the newspapers that want to stir fear shout “invasion”, and broadcasters follow their lead.
Politicians then try to outdo each other with ever more performative policies – deportation schemes, floating barges, and pointless crackdowns – instead of fixing the broken processing system.
Most voters believe small boats are one of the country’s biggest problems because the media has told them so, day after day, even though the facts show otherwise.
This is how political culture decays.
Journalists talk endlessly about how policies “play” with the public rather than whether they work.
In doing so, they teach politicians that presentation matters more than results.
They avoid calling out lies directly, so politicians conclude that lying carries no cost.
They focus on the story of the day, not on long-term consequences, so governments learn that they can fail without being held accountable.
Wren-Lewis argues that the UK has suffered from a string of incompetent prime ministers, and it is hard to disagree.
But these politicians did not rise in a vacuum. They rose in a media environment that rewards showmanship over substance and outrage over expertise.
It is no surprise that when broadcasters choose political journalists – not health specialists, not scientists, not economists – to front their coverage of complex issues, the questions asked are about politics, not facts.
We heard far more about “protecting the economy” than about the simple maths of how a virus spreads.
We heard far more about how Brexit “cut through” than about what it would do to trade and investment.
We heard far more about how austerity played with the electorate than about the damage it would inflict on public services.
The result is a country where the public is poorly informed, politicians are let off the hook, and expert knowledge is treated as optional.
The Covid Inquiry has shown that this is not merely a democratic failure: it is a human tragedy.
When the media fail, the cost is paid in lives, livelihoods and the future of the country.
The question the UK faces is no longer whether the media get things wrong – the evidence for that is overwhelming.
The question is how much longer we can afford a system where truth is secondary to popularity, and where the most important decisions of our time are shaped by what sells rather than by what is right.
That is why sites like Vox Political and its forerunner Vox Political matter.
This Site has tried to do the opposite of what the big media organisations have chosen to do, aiming to tell readers what they need to know, not what focus groups or billionaire press owners think will “go down well”.
The record speaks for itself.
On Austerity, Vox Political warned that it would be ruinous long before the political class admitted it.
On Brexit, Vox Political showed the factual economic evidence even as the national broadcasters pretended the facts reflected just one opinion among others.
On Covid-19, Vox Political followed the science while ministers and their media cheerleaders tried to pretend it was possible to negotiate with the virus.
And on countless other issues, Vox Political has gone where the evidence leads, not just where the headlines point.
That is the purpose of proper journalism: to seek fact, to test claims, to expose failures, and to inform the public so they can make decisions based on reality rather than rhetoric.
This Site exists to do exactly that.
In an age when most political coverage chases drama, Vox Political sticks to facts.
When most commentary indulges in comforting myths, Vox Political explains what is actually happening.
And when those in power want the public to look the other way, Vox Political keeps our readers focused on what really matters.
It should not be unusual to offer political reporting, analysis and insight rooted in evidence rather than performance.
But it has become unusual – and that is why Vox Political is essential.
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