Home2025-07-21T22:11:13+00:00

Investigation admits that Hillsborough Law will NOT make police face justice

Families of victims of the Hillsborough tragedy now have no way of seeing justice done on the police who wronged them, because all those officers are now retired.

And the only solid thing to come out of decades of investigations – the Hillsborough Law – is so toothless it turns a duty of candour into a polite suggestion.

Here’s The Guardian:

“The Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC) found that 12 police officers, most of them senior, would have faced disciplinary cases of gross misconduct if they were still serving.

“However, no former officer will face disciplinary proceedings because they have all retired. Some, including Peter Wright, the chief constable of South Yorkshire police at the time of the disaster, have died.

“Ten of the men whom the IOPC said would have faced gross misconduct cases were in the South Yorkshire force, including senior officers responsible for safety at Hillsborough. The IOPC listed six gross misconduct allegations against Wright, including for seeking to minimise the force’s responsibility and deflect blame on to the victims, Liverpool football club supporters.

“Two other men were senior officers in West Midlands police, which was appointed to investigate the South Yorkshire force after the disaster. Mervyn Jones and Michael Foster would have faced allegations that they “failed to investigate effectively” and were “biased against supporters in favour of South Yorkshire police”.

“The IOPC said in the report that it had found 110 complaints upheld or cases to answer against former officers, including for “falsehood and prevarication”, “discreditable conduct”, “abuse of authority” and “neglect of duty”.

“Some people whose relatives died at Hillsborough told the Guardian they welcomed the findings, but were outraged that the IOPC did not find more cases to answer against South Yorkshire police officers for falsely blaming Liverpool supporters.

“The IOPC has explained its view that in the absence of a duty of candour to positively assist an investigation, in 1989 the South Yorkshire force and its officers were not breaking the law or conduct rules by “presenting their best case” about the causes of the disaster, even though it involved withholding crucial information and amending hundreds of officers’ statements.

“The jury at the second inquests into the disaster found in April 2016 a series of failings by South Yorkshire police, and that the victims were unlawfully killed owing to gross negligence manslaughter by the officer in command, Ch Supt David Duckenfield. The jury also determined that no behaviour by Liverpool supporters contributed to the disaster.

“Duckenfield was then acquitted in a criminal prosecution in 2019. No police officer has been convicted of any criminal offences in relation to the Hillsborough failings, and none faced disciplinary proceedings at the time they were serving.

“After Operation Resolve, an investigation overseen by the IOPC into how the disaster happened, the watchdog has found Duckenfield would have faced 10 gross misconduct cases, including for his notorious lie that Liverpool supporters had forced open an exit gate to gain entry to the stadium. In fact Duckenfield had ordered the wide gate to be opened, to relieve serious congestion outside the ground.

“Supt Roger Marshall and Supt Bernard Murray, who had senior crowd safety roles, would also have faced gross misconduct cases, the IOPC said, as would the then South Yorkshire police assistant chief constable Walter Jackson. He was off duty but on call, and was at the match; the allegation against him was that: “ACC Jackson failed to organise and direct junior-ranking police officers to help save lives … ACC Jackson failed to take control of the disaster.”

“Sir Norman Bettison, who was a chief inspector at South Yorkshire police and later became chief constable of Merseyside police, would have faced allegations that he “provided misleading and inaccurate press statements” which minimised his role at South Yorkshire police after the disaster, and was “deliberately dishonest about his involvement in the disaster” when he applied for the Merseyside position. The Liverpool MP Ian Byrne has written to the Cabinet Office calling for Bettison to be stripped of his knighthood.

“A mounted police officer, PC David Scott, would have faced the allegation that he lied when he said that his horse had been burned by Liverpool supporters.”

The South Yorkshire Police Federation has criticised the IOPC report as “not fair or balanced”, saying: “Former police officers – some of whom are very elderly and some who have sadly passed away – do not have any kind of due process or the ability to formally respond to the allegations made in this report.”

This is because the law has protected them for far too long, it seems.

Hillsborough is the most extreme example of police avoiding disciplinary procedures because they have retired or passed away – because of the scale of the injustice and the length of time the families have had to fight.


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The underlying mechanism is depressingly familiar – as a reporter, I’ve seen it multiple times in the past: misconduct becomes unenforceable once an officer retires, and criminal thresholds are set so high that gross negligence, cover-ups and institutional deceit routinely escape consequence.

There are three obvious structural solutions, none of which require inventing anything new — only political courage and legislative will.

First: misconduct jurisdiction must survive retirement.

There is absolutely no reason disciplinary proceedings should evaporate the moment an officer hangs up the uniform.

Doctors, lawyers, teachers and social workers can all face disciplinary action long after they leave their professions; they can lose registrations, titles, pensions or the right to practise again.

The police are virtually unique in enjoying a total cut-off point.

Ending that protection would at least allow formal findings of misconduct, even if sanctions are limited.

Second: pension forfeiture must be on the table for proven misconduct related to public harm.

Senior officers who oversaw catastrophic failure — or participated in cover-ups — should not simply retire on full, publicly-funded pensions.

Parliament already allows pension forfeiture in very narrow circumstances (serious criminal convictions connected with duty).

That could be widened to include gross misconduct proved in a disciplinary process or civil standard hearing.

For elderly or deceased officers, this may be symbolic — but symbols matter.

It would shatter the culture of impunity that shielded the Hillsborough cover-up for decades.

Third: statutory duties of candour need teeth.

The Guardian article said that “Bereaved families have campaigned since 2017 for a “Hillsborough law”, which was finally introduced into parliament by Keir Starmer’s government in September, aimed at deterring official cover-ups by introducing a duty of “candour, transparency and frankness” for police officers and public officials.”

It neglects to mention that this duty is only activated during inquiries, inquests or investigations – so in day-to-day life, public servants like the police remain merely urged to do the right thing.

A duty without sanctions is just a polite suggestion.

A proper such duty would be backed by real penalties: obstruction offences, career-ending sanctions, and personal liability for deceit in official processes.

If such a duty had existed in 1989, South Yorkshire police’s entire defensive strategy — amending statements, smearing supporters, withholding facts — would have been a prosecutable offence, not just a moral outrage.

The heartbreaking thing about Hillsborough is that any mechanism that could have delivered justice either did not exist, or existed in such a neutered form that officers could simply wait out the clock until retirement protected them.

The families were right to call this a “bitter injustice”: it is accountability defeated by time itself.

The solution is straightforward: stop letting time be a shield. Misconduct should follow an officer as long as the consequences of their actions follow the victims — which, in Hillsborough’s case, has been a lifetime.

If anything, this latest report shows that the loophole is not merely a historical glitch — it remains an active threat unless the law is changed decisively.

The Hillsborough families now have no chance of seeing justice done on the police who wronged them.

there is now no realistic path to achieving it.

Every legal route is now closed:

Criminal prosecutions failed years ago. Duckenfield was acquitted. No other senior officer was ever charged.
Misconduct proceedings cannot happen because every officer identified by the IOPC has retired, and the law simply does not permit disciplinary action against former officers.
Civil action is practically impossible because key individuals have died and evidence is now decades old.
The new Hillsborough Law is not retrospective. It can prevent future cover-ups but cannot reopen or re-punish past ones.

The IOPC report explicitly confirms this grim reality: the watchdog identified gross misconduct on a huge scale — deliberate dishonesty, abuse of authority, neglect of duty, falsification of statements — but it cannot sanction any of the perpetrators because of the retirement loophole. Families described this as “a bitter injustice” because it is exactly that.

The truth is now officially recognised.

But accountability has been permanently denied.

And that is why the families’ reaction is as raw and furious as it has been: they were forced to fight for the truth, for 36 years – only to be told — at the very end — that those responsible will face no consequences at all.

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Why is the Justice Secretary still wrongly releasing convicts?

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Almost a month after new security measures and checklists were imposed to stop convicts being released from prison prematurely, Justice Secretary David Lammy has announced 12 more releases-in-error.

It’s not good enough. Let’s have some details from the BBC:

“Justice Secretary David Lammy has said 12 prisoners have been accidentally released in the past three weeks, two of whom are still at large.

“It comes on top of the 91 prisoners who were freed by mistake between April and October in England and Wales.


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“Speaking to the BBC, Lammy said there would always be a “human error” while prisons were using a paper-based system and that the situation would improve once a “completely digital system” was adopted.

“Charlie Taylor, chief inspector of prisons, has said… that prisons were having to adapt to different policies including various early release schemes introduced both by the previous Conservative government and the current Labour one.”

Doesn’t it seem that nobody in government has actually taken control of this, despite it having been a running scandal for weeks?

The key problem is not simply that more accidental releases have been discovered – it is that they have continued to happen after ministers loudly claimed to be fixing the issue.

To read the rest, head over to The Whip Line.

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Post Office may be responsible for Horizon scandal deaths. Why is it never the government?

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Police investigating the Post Office Horizon IT scandal are considering corporate and gross negligent manslaughter charges – raising, for me, questions about why government officials are never charged when a benefit claimant dies after being wrongly deprived of payments.

The BBC tells us:

“The National Police Chiefs’ Council (NPCC) said the investigation was currently focused on eight suspects, with five interviews conducted under caution.

“It said there were now 53 persons of interest, most of whom were likely to be raised to suspect status at a later stage in the probe.

“The NPCC said the investigation remains focussed on offences of perjury and perverting the course of justice, but it was also considering charges of corporate manslaughter. Companies, rather than individuals, face such charges.”


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I spent years trying to get manslaughter charges raised against the Department for Work and Pensions over the deaths of disabled people who had been denied benefit – to no avail.

This revelation helps explain the reason: the law has been manipulated to ensure that governments cannot be held responsible for deaths in such a way – or at least to make it extremely difficult.

Under the Corporate Manslaughter and Corporate Homicide Act 2007, only “corporations” and some Crown bodies can be prosecuted. But crucially:

  • Government departments themselves are not “corporations” in law.
  • Ministers and civil servants acting as “the Crown” are protected by Crown immunity unless explicitly named in an Act as prosecutable.
  • The 2007 Act does extend liability to some Crown bodies (like the prison service), but it explicitly excludes central government departments.

That is the loophole that protects the DWP, despite the reported deaths of more than 100,000 benefit claimants after deprivation of payments between 2011 and 2019 alone.

Even when a death is clearly connected to policy decisions or maladministration, the law is structured so that the institution cannot be put in the dock.

And because the offence applies to the organisation and not individuals, no minister or civil servant can be charged with it either.

This is why the Post Office, as a corporation, can face this charge – but the DWP cannot.

Many legal academics argue that the Corporate Manslaughter Act should be extended to cover central government departments.

It was a political decision not to include them.

So when a department like the DWP implements policies that lead to deaths, the law offers no criminal route for accountability.

Ministers claimed that it would “paralyse policymaking”, but in reality it protects the government from accountability when its decisions kill people.

The Horizon scandal may create pressure to revisit this, because the parallels are now impossible to ignore.

This is a structural political choice – not a legal inevitability. Would you like to help campaign for change?

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This OBR resignation solves nothing – but could cover a lot

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This is a ‘dead cat’, isn’t it?

The head of a non-governmental organisation quits over a mistake that didn’t change anything other than embarrassing a politician and it’s a big nothing, in This Writer’s opinion.

Here’s the BBC:

“The chairman of the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) has resigned following the Budget day error which saw a key document published early.

“Richard Hughes said in his resignation letter he took “full responsibility” for the issues that were identified in the OBR’s investigation into the error.


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“On Monday the report into the mishap concluded it had “inflicted heavy damage on the OBR’s reputation”, but added that it was inadvertent.

““It is the worst failure in the 15-year history of the OBR,” the report said.”

This looks and smells like a classic “dead cat” — a big, noisy spectacle thrown onto the table to divert everyone’s attention from something far more politically damaging.

And this one has all the hallmarks…

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Your Party has gone badly wrong – fast

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This is disheartening, from disability campaigner, DPAC member, and sharer of my birthday Paula Peters:

“I left the disability group for “Your Party”

“I do not support gate keeping, egos, exclusion or bullying

“They didn’t like being called out on it

“They were


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“I’m done with this BS

“I’m not being spoken down to, patronised and told to shut up or told I do not like the word no.

“I’m a working class disabled woman

“I will call it out

“Shove your group”

Your Party – now its official name, and a terrible choice – has been holding its inaugural conference and it hasn’t been very impressive.

From the outside, this looks less like the foundation of a serious political alternative and more like a case study in how not to build a new party…

To read the rest, head over to The Whip Line.

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