The warmongers: are Washington and London trying to get us all killed?
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Are our politicians trying to tip us into a war we don’t need?
Even young people who barely follow politics are starting to notice something unsettling.
In coffee shops, university dorms, and online forums, there’s a shared sense of unease — a feeling that governments are preparing for conflict, and that they might be the ones to fight it.
This is not paranoia – headlines about soaring defence budgets, NATO deployments, and global tensions are cutting through the usual political noise.
It’s a rare moment when the general public, and especially the young, senses ideological shifts in government before formal policy announcements.
The zeitgeist is tipping, and it isn’t subtle: the prioritisation of militarisation is becoming part of daily conversation, even among those with little interest in party politics.
The emotional impact is tangible — dread, frustration, and a sense of powerlessness in the face of decisions made far above their heads.
This unease doesn’t exist in isolation. It reflects broader currents in global power politics — and most immediately, an ideological shift emanating from Washington.
Washington’s war ideology
Earlier this month (September 2025), US President Donald Trump took a symbolic but revealing step: renaming the Department of Defense as the Department of War.
Secretary of War Pete Hegseth described it as a commitment to “maximum lethality” and proactive military readiness.
It wasn’t a mere rebrand; it was an ideological signal: Washington was no longer positioning itself merely as a defensive power, but as a nation prioritising military supremacy above all else.
The ideology is that military power underpins national prestige, economic leverage, and political authority. Critics of this approach warn that it fosters a culture where war readiness is elevated above diplomacy, alliances, or global stability.
The implications are real. Expanded NATO commitments, forward troop deployments, and offensive-oriented planning are not abstract policy exercises; they are actions that ripple across the globe, drawing allies and satellites — including London — into the orbit of US military priorities.
The world is being shaped not by chance, but by ideology.
If young people are feeling uneasy, it’s because these ideological signals are already impacting reality. And London is increasingly following Washington’s lead.
‘If Washington sneezes, London catches a cold’
It’s an old adage, but it fits the UK’s current posture perfectly.
Under Keir Starmer, the country is increasingly mirroring American priorities — sometimes unquestioningly, sometimes at the expense of independent strategy.
A striking example was Starmer’s enthusiastic support for Trump at the Alaska summit.
Despite the summit failing to produce any meaningful agreements, Starmer’s government signalled alignment with the US agenda, making young people see the UK less as a sovereign actor and more as a junior partner in Washington’s ideological project.
This alignment is reflected in domestic policy. The Strategic Defence Review 2025 has prioritised military spending and force-modernisation, even as social services, healthcare, and climate initiatives struggle.
Troop deployments to NATO positions in Poland, expanded naval exercises in the North Atlantic, and investment in high-tech Special Forces capabilities demonstrate a willingness to follow the US example in both rhetoric and action.
Historically, the UK has oscillated between independent diplomacy and alignment with American ambitions.
- Harold Wilson resisted committing troops to Vietnam, prioritising domestic consensus over foreign pressure.
- Tony Blair, by contrast, famously aligned Britain with George W Bush in Iraq, arguing that Britain could not afford to act outside American-led interventions — a decision that would cost the country dearly in public trust and international credibility.
Starmer’s current posture echoes Blair more than Wilson: a readiness to follow Washington, even when strategic gains for Britain are uncertain.
The stakes are immediate. By prioritising military alignment, the UK risks becoming entangled in conflicts dictated more by US ideological shifts than British national interest.
For young people already anxious about the future, this alignment reinforces the sense that they could be caught up in wars they had no part in choosing.
The geopolitical chessboard
London’s alignment with Washington isn’t just symbolic — it plays out in tangible deployments, bases, and military posturing around the globe.
The UK has stepped onto a geopolitical chessboard where each move signals allegiance to US priorities and carries consequences for global stability.
Take Poland, where the UK now maintains troops as part of NATO’s forward presence. Ostensibly, this is a defensive measure against potential Russian aggression.
But in practice, it’s a clear signal: the UK is ready to project power far from its shores, following Washington’s lead rather than charting an independent course.
In the Indo-Pacific, the Royal Navy has ramped up exercises alongside US forces, conducting patrols near strategic choke points and participating in joint drills designed to contain China’s influence.
The UK’s use of drone bases in Cyprus, Oman, and Djibouti positions it as a forward-operating partner in conflicts where our own interests are not immediately threatened.
These are not neutral deployments — they are ideological signalling, demonstrating that London is willing to support US “maximum readiness” in multiple regions simultaneously.
The economic and corporate dimensions are just as striking.
Arms contractors such as BAE Systems, Lockheed Martin, and Raytheon benefit directly from increased defence budgets and procurement programs, creating a powerful lobby for continued militarisation.
Public money foots the bill, while policy-makers tout national security and alliance commitments.
Every move on this chessboard carries escalation risk. Forward bases and deployments may deter adversaries, but they also heighten tension with Russia, China, and other powers, increasing the likelihood that small incidents could spiral into larger confrontations.
The ideological framing from Washington — that military readiness equals national prestige — is now being projected globally through the Starmer government’s participation.
The stakes are not abstract.
Young people, already uneasy about the future, now see the UK entangled in complex global flashpoints, from Eastern Europe to the South China Sea.
The question looms: Is London making independent strategic decisions, or is it a pawn in Washington’s ideological game?
Domestic costs and social impact
The United Kingdom’s growing alignment with Washington comes with a domestic price tag — one that ordinary citizens, especially the young, are starting to feel.
Defence budgets are rising sharply, yet social services, healthcare, housing, and climate initiatives continue to face cuts or stagnation.
Public money is prioritised for fighter jets, naval exercises, and forward deployments, while food bank use and youth housing crises hit record levels.
This isn’t just a question of economics – it sends a political and cultural signal: the lives of ordinary citizens — particularly young people — are being subordinated to military readiness.
The emotional impact is real: surveys show rising anxiety about global instability – and conversations online, in universities, and in homes reflect a sense of powerlessness.
Many young people feel they could one day be sent to fight in conflicts they had no part in shaping.
History shows us where this is going:
- During the Falklands War (1982), Margaret Thatcher boosted national prestige through military action, but at domestic social cost.
- The Suez Crisis of 1956 saw the United Kingdom engage in military action to protect perceived strategic interests, only to suffer international humiliation and internal political upheaval
Both cases demonstrate the tension between projecting military strength abroad and meeting domestic needs — a tension being echoed today as Starmer prioritises alignment with Washington.
The social consequences extend beyond policy and budgets.
Young people may become politically disengaged, disillusioned, or radicalised by the perception that their government treats them as cannon fodder.
Meanwhile, elite interests — defence contractors and lobbying groups — profit directly from increased militarisation, while public money underwrites their gains.
The big question is obvious: whose interests are being served?
Is the United Kingdom safeguarding its citizens, or is it advancing an ideological agenda whose primary beneficiaries are political elites and the military-industrial complex?
The growing anxiety among young people is a warning signal, highlighting the social cost of following Washington’s militaristic lead.
Historical precedents and lessons
History provides a warning for the UK today.
Decisions to prioritise military alignment over independent strategy or domestic welfare have repeatedly produced unintended consequences — for citizens, soldiers, and the nation’s standing in the world.
The Boer War (1899–1902) offers an early example. Britain intervened to protect imperial interests in South Africa, sending tens of thousands of troops into a costly, protracted conflict.
The human toll was staggering, particularly among young soldiers, while at home the population faced economic strain.
Public support fractured as the war dragged on, revealing the danger of pursuing strategic ambitions at the expense of domestic priorities.
The Crimean War (1853–1856) illustrates the dangers of overextension.
The UK entered the conflict to counter Russian expansion, deploying troops and resources far from home, but while the war achieved some strategic aims, it exposed weaknesses in military planning and logistics, leading to unnecessary loss of life and domestic criticism of government incompetence.
During World War I, the UK’s eagerness to maintain European alliances and protect imperial interests led to a massive mobilisation that reshaped society.
The “lost generation” of young men who fought and died left a lasting impact on families and communities, while the economic burden contributed to post-war austerity and social unrest.
These examples highlight three consistent lessons.
- First, military alignment or intervention often carries unforeseen domestic and human costs.
- Second, prioritising military ambitions over social welfare can deepen inequality and public disillusionment.
- Third, political leaders who subordinate national interest to external pressures — whether alliances, ideological commitments, or imperial ambitions — risk long-term harm for both credibility and cohesion.
Is the United Kingdom, under Starmer, repeating these patterns?
By aligning closely with Washington’s military priorities, the government may once again be placing young people and public resources at risk — a pattern history has shown to be rarely in the interests of ordinary citizens.
Where it’s all going
The trajectory is clear: by aligning closely with Washington’s militaristic priorities, the United Kingdom is positioning itself for potential involvement in conflicts dictated more by US ideology than our own national interest.
The implications are immediate and long-term — for foreign policy, domestic stability, and the lives of young people.
Forward deployments, NATO commitments, and joint exercises are not just abstract demonstrations of solidarity. They are signals that Keir Starmer is willing to be a junior partner in America’s strategic projects, with public money funding expensive weaponry, naval patrols, and forward bases.
Meanwhile, social spending, healthcare, housing, and climate initiatives remain underfunded, leaving the wider population — particularly the young — to shoulder the domestic cost.
The stakes are high: winners and losers are not evenly distributed.
Defence contractors, military-industrial lobbies, and political elites benefit directly from militarisation.
Ordinary citizens face the economic, social, and psychological consequences.
Young people may feel their futures are being shaped by conflicts they had no part in deciding, while the public loses its trust in government.
History reminds us that such patterns rarely end well. From the Crimean War to the Boer War and World War I, overextension, misaligned priorities, and subordination to external powers have resulted in loss of life, domestic hardship, and political fallout.
Today, the United Kingdom risks repeating these mistakes, this time under the ideological shadow of Washington’s Department of War.
The warning signs are clear: rising anxiety among the young, escalating defence budgets, and increasingly symbolic deployments are not just policy choices — they are ideological signals.
Unchecked, these trends may embroil our young people in conflicts that serve strategic narratives rather than national interest – and divest us of yet another vital generation.
Will the United Kingdom assert independent strategy and protect its own people, or will it continue following Washington’s lead, prioritising military readiness over the good of its own population?
The answer will shape the nation’s political and social landscape for years to come — and the consequences will be felt most acutely by those who have no voice in these decisions.
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Mandelson sacked as ambassador to US – GOOD RIDDANCE to a dull distraction
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Peter Mandelson has been removed from his post as the UK ambassador to the US in the light of fresh revelations about his past links to the late paedophile financier Jeffrey Epstein.
The Foreign Office said the decision came after emails surfaced showing Mandelson’s relationship with Epstein was “materially different” from what was known when he was appointed.
Among the emails were messages in which Mandelson reportedly encouraged Epstein to “fight for early release” before his 2008 sentencing for soliciting prostitution from a minor, and called him “my best pal.”
The timing of the revelations, just before US President Donald Trump’s state visit to the UK, added pressure on Keir Starmer to act.
Mandelson’s friendship with Epstein is indeed deeply concerning – and it is right to question Starmer’s judgement in appointing him to the ambassadorial role in the first place.
There are also questions over how much was known about Mandelson’s relationship with Epstein before the appointment was made; we’re told the vetting process was followed but it is hard to believe that it did not reveal issues related to this – a former political adviser said as much on the BBC’s Politics Live today (September 11, 2025).
Conservative and Liberal Democrat critics have seized the moment to question Starmer’s leadership, but for the public, this is no more than a distraction—a “dead cat” in political media terms.
Real issues, from diplomacy and trade to domestic policy, are far more important than the resurfacing of emails from nearly two decades ago.
Mandelson’s sacking might make headlines, but it is still no more than a bit of gossip. There are no broader political implications.
The media focus on past friendships and embarrassing messages is just an attempt to divert attention from the issues that matter.
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Charlie Kirk’s killing is being weaponised against the Left – for no reason at all
A leading right-wing political commentator in the United States has been shot dead, sparking a backlash of hate against people on the political Left — who probably have nothing to do with it.
Let us be clear from the start: the assassination of Charlie Kirk is a heinous act of political violence.
No matter his views or affiliations, nobody should be targeted for murder just for expressing their beliefs.
This tragedy underscores an urgent need to address the escalating climate of political hostility and to reaffirm our commitment to civil discourse and democratic values.
What Happened to Charlie Kirk?
On the afternoon of September 10, 2025, Charlie Kirk – a 31-year-old conservative activist and founder of Turning Point USA – was fatally shot during a public speaking event at Utah Valley University (UVU) in Orem, Utah.
The incident occurred during his “American Comeback Tour,” a series of campus appearances aimed at mobilising young conservatives across the United States.
Kirk was seated at his signature “Prove Me Wrong” table, engaging with students in a ‘question and answer’ session, when a gunshot rang out, the bullet striking him in the neck.
Eyewitnesses reported that the shot came from an elevated position around 200 yards away, consistent with the direction of the Losee Center rooftop.¹
The shooting caused immediate panic. Students fled in all directions, some tripping over benches or falling while trying to escape. Sara Tewell, a UVU student present at the scene, described the chaos:
“Blood was gushing everywhere. A friend and I ran into a building and ran out and down the street just trying to get to safety.”²
Kirk was rushed to a nearby hospital, where he later succumbed to his injuries.
The FBI, in coordination with local law enforcement, launched an immediate investigation into the shooting.
Video footage captured by UVU student Tanner Maxwell showed a figure fleeing across a nearby rooftop moments after the gunshot.³
Governor Spencer Cox of Utah called the incident a “national tragedy,” emphasising caution in assigning blame:
“We do not know the motives, and we cannot allow speculation to turn into scapegoating.”⁴
Despite these calls for careful assessment, the event rapidly became politicised. President Donald Trump, posting on Truth Social, confirmed Kirk’s death and praised his influence on young conservative voters:
“The Great, and even Legendary, Charlie Kirk, is dead. No one understood or had the Heart of the Youth in the United States of America better than Charlie.”⁵
As of this writing, law enforcement continues to investigate the shooting. No suspects have been officially identified or charged, and authorities have not indicated any connection to political groups, either domestic or international.
It is therefore critical to note that there is currently no evidence suggesting Left-wing involvement in Kirk’s assassination.
The incident at UVU is a reminder of the dangers faced by public figures in politically charged environments, but it also highlights the importance of reporting facts without assumption or partisan framing.
While the loss of life is tragic, responsibility must be attributed based on evidence, not ideology.
UK Right-wing figures are exploiting the tragedy
Before the circumstances of Kirk’s death were fully established, some UK right-wing commentators began using the tragedy to attack the political Left, framing them as morally corrupt and violent.
These narratives, often spread through social media, illustrate the danger of weaponising a tragedy without evidence.
Daily Mail columnist Sarah Vine wrote on X:
“This is not about left vs right anymore. It’s about good vs evil. They can’t win the debate, so they kill. We are in a very dark place. #CharlieKirk”⁶
Similarly, Reform UK’s Alex Phillips posted:
“I don’t want to hear the words ‘Fascist’ or ‘Nazi’ or ‘Far Right’ EVER again. THESE. WORDS. KILL.”⁷
These statements suggest that Kirk’s death is a product of Left-wing ideology, despite that fact that at the time of writing there is no verified evidence linking the Left to the shooting.
The effect is twofold: it spreads fear among Right-leaning audiences and misattributes responsibility to an entire political group.
Conservative activist Christopher Rufo, whose online influence extends to UK-linked communities, wrote:
“It is time, within the confines of the law, to infiltrate, disrupt, arrest and incarcerate all of those who are responsible for this chaos.”⁸
Although framed as a call to enforce justice, such rhetoric blurs the distinction between law enforcement and partisan – vigilante – action.
By implying that political opponents are collectively culpable, it fosters an environment where hostility can escalate quickly.
Social media activity following Kirk’s death illustrates the rapid amplification of these narratives.
Hashtags such as #StopTheLeft began trending on X and Instagram. Many posts explicitly claimed that left-wing activists were responsible, often without verification, creating a sense of imminent threat.⁹
Observers have noted that framing the debate in moral absolutist terms — good v evil — circumvents rational analysis and encourages emotional responses. Studies on online political polarisation show that these binary narratives increase hostility and reduce the likelihood of evidence-based discussion.¹⁰
And by portraying Kirk solely as an innocent victim, these UK commentators ignore his own history of advocating political violence.
They are trying to heighten partisanship while shielding Kirk’s rhetoric from scrutiny, pushing a simplified narrative in an attempt to twist public perception.
Let’s look at Charlie Kirk’s own advocacy of political violence
While UK commentators like those mentioned above have portrayed Charlie Kirk as a martyr, the public record shows that he himself repeatedly promoted or condoned politically motivated violence.
Understanding this is essential to avoid oversimplified narratives that misattribute blame for his death.
Kirk frequently praised violent actions by others. In 2020, following the attack on Nancy Pelosi’s husband, he tweeted:
“Who’s going to be the hero to step up and post bail for the guy who hit Pelosi’s husband with a hammer? We need heroes in this country.”¹¹
Far from condemning the act, Kirk framed it as a form of heroism, normalising the idea of politically motivated aggression.
He also suggested that criminals should be executed publicly for educational purposes:
“We should televise the executions of criminals. Show it to school kids. Let them see the consequences.”¹²
This statement demonstrates a willingness to normalise brutality as a spectacle, including for children, reflecting an ideological framework in which violence is valorised for societal impact.
Kirk publicly supported Kyle Rittenhouse, the teenager who killed two men during protests in Kenosha, Wisconsin:
“Rittenhouse did what any American should do. He defended his community. That’s bravery we should applaud.”¹³
By framing lethal actions as heroic defence, Kirk encouraged his followers to view political violence as legitimate when aligned with conservative ideals.
Moreover, Kirk’s statements on gun rights often implied that maintaining access to firearms justified societal risks, even endangering children:
“If we have to lose a few, it’s worth it to keep our freedoms. Guns first, everything else second.”¹⁴
This demonstrates a pattern of prioritising ideological goals over human safety.
Kirk frequently used his Turning Point USA platform to normalise confrontational and aggressive tactics.
He consistently framed political opponents as morally corrupt, creating an environment in which extreme measures were framed as defensible.
While no one condones Kirk’s assassination, presenting him solely as a victim ignores his own promotion of political violence.
It’s a stunningly hypocritical position – weaponising his death against political opponents while masking his role in fostering a culture that valorises aggression.
Hypocrisy and the danger of weaponisation
While Charlie Kirk’s death is tragic, the way some UK right-wing commentators have responded is reprehensible.
There is no place for their selective outrage and rhetorical manipulation in this story.
By portraying Kirk solely as a victim, they ignore his history of advocating political violence while framing the Left as inherently dangerous — despite there being no evidence linking any Left-wing individual or group to the shooting.
It’s symptomatic of a broader pattern of selective outrage and moral simplification.
Yes, it may be natural for people to react emotionally to violence – but presenting an entire political group as responsible without evidence is both misleading and dangerous.
Framing the incident this way ignores Kirk’s own record of advocating political violence; to portray him solely as an innocent victim while blaming others for his death is hypocritical.
Moral authority cannot be claimed selectively; it undermines credibility when public figures condemn violence only when it affects their own ideological camp.¹⁵
Framing political opponents as “evil” or morally illegitimate fosters polarisation and hostility.
Research on social media and political narratives shows that binary moral framings — portraying one side as entirely good and the other as inherently corrupt — increase aggression and reduce evidence-based reasoning.¹⁶
When influential commentators amplify this perspective, followers are more likely to view opponents not as human beings with differing views but as existential threats, which can escalate real-world tensions.
Weaponising tragedy in this way spreads fear and encourages retaliatory thinking.
By suggesting that left-wing ideology is responsible for Kirk’s death, commentators promote a culture of pre-emptive suspicion and hostility.
In politically-charged environments, this can justify aggressive behaviour in the minds of followers, even when no evidence exists to connect the people they are targeting with the crime.¹⁷
And finally: selective outrage erodes public debate.
When only one side’s transgressions are acknowledged, while the other’s history of provocative or violent rhetoric is ignored, society loses a shared factual baseline.
Constructive debate becomes impossible, and social trust declines.
This dynamic is particularly dangerous when amplified on platforms like X or Instagram, where content spreads rapidly and emotional responses dominate rational deliberation.¹⁸
So the wrongness of this behaviour is threefold: it is hypocritical, it encourages polarisation and potential retaliation, and it undermines reasoned public debate.
Recognising these dangers does not diminish the tragedy of Kirk’s death; rather, it emphasises the responsibility of public commentators to report facts accurately and avoid inflaming division.
Anybody dodging that responsibility, like the two offenders mentioned above, should not be physically attacked; it is enough for them to be shunned, avoided and ignored.
Footnotes
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Anthony Zurcher, Killing of Trump ally lays bare America’s bloody and broken politics, BBC, 11 September 2025. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-66742276
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Sara Tewell, eyewitness account, The Washington Post, 11 September 2025. https://www.washingtonpost.com/investigations/charlie-kirk-shooting
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Tanner Maxwell video footage, The Washington Post, 11 September 2025. https://www.washingtonpost.com/investigations/charlie-kirk-video
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Spencer Cox, press conference, Reuters, 10 September 2025. https://www.reuters.com/world/us/conservative-influencer-charlie-kirk-shot-dead-utah-university-event-2025-09-10/
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Donald Trump, Truth Social post, 10 September 2025. https://www.reuters.com/world/us/conservative-influencer-charlie-kirk-shot-dead-utah-university-event-2025-09-10/
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Sarah Vine (@WestminsterWAG) / X, 10 September 2025. https://x.com/westminsterwag?lang=en
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Alex Phillips (@roseveniceallan) / X, 10 September 2025. https://x.com/roseveniceallan?lang=en
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Christopher Rufo / X, 10 September 2025. https://x.com/christopherrufo?lang=en
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Associated Press, “Graphic Charlie Kirk video spread fast, showing media’s fading grip,” Associated Press, September 10, 2025. https://apnews.com/article/charlie-kirk-video-graphic-online-social-media-6cfd4dfde356b960aeea69c01ea3ec34
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“How Social Media Amplifies Political Polarisation,” Pew Research Center, June 2025. https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2025/06/10/how-social-media-amplifies-political-polarization/
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“Charlie Kirk’s call for bail for Pelosi attacker,” Right Wing Watch, September 2025. https://www.rightwingwatch.org/charlie-kirk-bail-pelosi-attacker
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“Charlie Kirk’s televised executions comment,” Right Wing Watch, September 2025. https://www.rightwingwatch.org/charlie-kirk-televised-executions
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“Charlie Kirk’s platforming of Kyle Rittenhouse,” Media Matters, September 2025. https://www.mediamatters.org/charlie-kirk-kyle-rittenhouse
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“Charlie Kirk rhetoric on guns,” Media Matters, September 2025. https://www.mediamatters.org/charlie-kirk
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Charlie Kirk’s advocacy of political violence, Right Wing Watch and Media Matters, September 2025. See Sections 3 and footnotes 11–14.
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“How Social Media Amplifies Political Polarisation,” Pew Research Center, June 2025. https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2025/06/10/how-social-media-amplifies-political-polarization/
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Associated Press, “Graphic Charlie Kirk video spread fast, showing media’s fading grip,” Associated Press, September 10, 2025. https://apnews.com/article/charlie-kirk-video-graphic-online-social-media-6cfd4dfde356b960aeea69c01ea3ec34
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Ibid.
Starmer’s meeting with Israeli president means nothing – because nothing is what he has done
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Israel has just taken the most reckless step yet in its assault on Gaza – striking not in the Strip, but in the capital of Qatar, itself a sovereign nation and ally of both the United States and the UK.
And UK prime minister Keir Starmer has welcomed the Israeli President to Downing Street, as warmly as a best friend.
The Doha strike targeted Hamas leaders – terrorists by UK designation, admittedly – but engaged in negotiations for peace. Six people died, including a Qatari security officer.
The intended victims survived, and that fact alone exposes the brutality of Israel’s decision: it was not about securing peace but intended to ensure that peace does not happen.
Qatar has condemned the attack as “reckless” and “cowardly”. The UN Secretary General called it a flagrant breach of sovereignty. Even Donald Trump, hardly known for moderation, described it as damaging to both Israel’s and America’s goals.
Yet in London, Keir Starmer chose to welcome Israeli president Isaac Herzog to Downing Street, instead of honouring the UK’s obligations under international law.
An opportunity missed
Under the Genocide Convention, the UK has a clear duty: to prevent and punish genocide when there is a serious risk of it taking place.
That duty extends to arresting individuals credibly accused of involvement in such crimes if they set foot on UK soil.
Herzog himself has stated that all Palestinians are responsible for Hamas – a comment that strips an entire people of civilian protection.
He has excused Israel of causing the current famine and mass civilian death in Gaza, claiming it is Hamas’s fault.
And his government has overseen the systematic destruction of Gaza’s infrastructure, while ministers and MPs have repeatedly issued calls for ethnic cleansing.
If such behaviour does not constitute at least a “serious risk” of genocide, what does?
Starmer’s response
Starmer did confront Herzog on the Doha strike – calling it “completely unacceptable” and “a flagrant violation of sovereignty”.
But words are cheap. The real question is: why was Herzog allowed to walk out of Downing Street afterwards, instead of facing arrest?
Hundreds protested outside, calling him a war criminal and demanding action. Starmer ignored them.
In parliament, even Labour MPs described Israel as a “rogue state” and criticised the meeting as a betrayal of international law.
But Downing Street insists this was a “private visit”.
Private? An official meeting with the Prime Minister? The pretence is insulting.
Complicity through cowardice
Once again, the pattern is clear.
The UK government condemns Israeli actions verbally while continuing to provide political cover, military support, and legitimacy to its leaders.
Why?
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Deference to Washington, which shields Israel diplomatically?
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Servitude to the vested interests of the arms industry, which profits from supplying Israel’s jets?
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Political cowardice – a refusal to risk the anger of pro-Israel lobby groups?
All three, probably.
And the consequence is that our government chooses to be complicit with Israel, rather than holding Israel accountable.
The question Starmer cannot escape
By meeting Herzog and letting him go free, Starmer has placed himself squarely on the wrong side of both morality and law.
So the question is simple, albeit twofold:
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Has the Prime Minister acted honourably in merely scolding Israel for obstructing peace?
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Or has he shirked his duty to arrest a leader implicated in war crimes and possible genocide?
History will not record him as a statesman if he continues like this.
It will record him as a man who repeatedly had the chance to do the right thing – and failed.
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Myth debunked: the ‘profit motive’ doesn’t make public services better
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One of the oldest Tory talking points is that private business is always more efficient than the state because “it’s your own cash at risk”.
As a commenter on BlueSky described it:
“Too much not subject to profit motive. V powerful when it is your own cash at risk. State should do less.”
This is misleading – and in practice, it’s a myth that has been repeatedly debunked. Here’s why:
1. Profit motive ≠ efficiency
Private firms often cut corners, under-invest, or exploit monopoly positions when profit is the driver.
Think of rail companies cancelling services while paying dividends or water firms pumping sewage into rivers while rewarding shareholders.
The message is clear: the profit motive doesn’t guarantee better service – it guarantees shareholder returns.
2. Public services aren’t businesses
The state runs the NHS, policing, education, defence and others. These are not markets where “consumer choice” works.
You don’t want your doctor saving money by cutting corners, or your fire brigade working only if it’s profitable. Do you?
3. It is our own cash
Public money funds the state. Pooling our cash resources through public services is cheaper and more effective than every individual paying private providers.
When services are outsourced, customers don’t just pay the the cost – they must also pay shareholder profits.
4. The evidence of failure
The past 40 years of privatisation have been a living experiment. Water, energy, rail, mail and many other publicly-owned resources were sold on promises of efficiency.
But the reality has been higher bills, worse service, and crumbling infrastructure.
Meanwhile, the NHS – for all its Tory-forced faults – remains a cost-efficient healthcare system compared with private insurance models.
5. The “state should do less” dodge
Calls to shrink the state rarely mean cutting MPs’ perks or corporate subsidies. They always mean cutting the services on which ordinary people rely.
Meanwhile, private firms constantly lobby the state for bailouts when profit fails.
The verdict:
The idea that the profit motive automatically makes services more efficient is a myth.
Public services are not only essential, they often provide better value and reliability than private alternatives.
In public utilities, privatisation has been tried – and has failed disastrously.
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