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More than 25,000 people have crossed the English Channel in small boats so far this year — the highest number ever recorded by the end of July.
Predictably, the headlines have exploded, and the usual suspects in Westminster are already out in force.
Chris Philp, the ever-reliable mouthpiece of Conservative outrage, has branded the situation a “national emergency” and accused the Labour government of “doing nothing”.
But let’s pause for a moment.
Because while the numbers are indeed alarming, the rush to condemn Labour barely six months into office is both cynical and wildly premature.
Labour inherited chaos – not control
Labour took power last year following years of Conservative mismanagement on immigration. Let’s not forget the Tories
-
Spent billions on a Rwanda scheme that never got off the ground.
-
Allowed Channel crossings to hit record highs under their watch (2022 still holds the overall record).
-
Failed to establish any meaningful returns agreements with European neighbours after Brexit.
The current spike in crossings didn’t begin in 2025 – it’s the result of years of broken promises, collapsing asylum systems, and politically driven gimmicks.
What Labour has actually done
Since taking office, Labour has quietly set a different course — one that focuses less on headlines and more on functioning policy:
-
A new returns deal with France: A pilot scheme is now underway, allowing some migrants to be detained and sent back to France, while a small number may enter the UK via safe, legal routes. It’s not perfect, but it’s a step toward bilateral cooperation that was non-existent under the Tories.
-
Tighter international cooperation: Just this week, the National Crime Agency worked with Bulgarian police to seize 25 boats likely intended for smuggling operations in the Channel. That’s not an accident — that’s intelligence work, something Labour has prioritised.
-
Refocusing on smuggler networks: Labour is shifting the debate away from scapegoating migrants and toward dismantling the criminal gangs profiting from human desperation.
Real solutions take time
It is politically easy to shout from the sidelines, as Philp is doing.
It is far harder to build functioning systems to replace broken ones.
Returns deals, intelligence operations, and safe routes take months — sometimes years — to yield visible results.
Expecting immediate drops in crossing numbers is disingenuous at best, sabotage at worst.
No free pass – but fair criticism matters
None of this is to say Labour should be immune from scrutiny.
They must prove that their new approach works — not just in headlines, but in lives saved and border integrity restored.
But to judge them on July’s numbers, before any of their policies have had time to mature, is to argue in bad faith.
If we want serious answers to complex problems, we have to give serious policy the time to work.
The question isn’t whether Labour has solved the Channel crisis in twelve months.
The question is: are they at least trying something different — and does it have a chance?
So far, the answer to both is yes.
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Channel crossing figures are up – but Labour needs time, not condemnation
Share this post:
More than 25,000 people have crossed the English Channel in small boats so far this year — the highest number ever recorded by the end of July.
Predictably, the headlines have exploded, and the usual suspects in Westminster are already out in force.
Chris Philp, the ever-reliable mouthpiece of Conservative outrage, has branded the situation a “national emergency” and accused the Labour government of “doing nothing”.
But let’s pause for a moment.
Because while the numbers are indeed alarming, the rush to condemn Labour barely six months into office is both cynical and wildly premature.
Labour inherited chaos – not control
Labour took power last year following years of Conservative mismanagement on immigration. Let’s not forget the Tories
Spent billions on a Rwanda scheme that never got off the ground.
Allowed Channel crossings to hit record highs under their watch (2022 still holds the overall record).
Failed to establish any meaningful returns agreements with European neighbours after Brexit.
The current spike in crossings didn’t begin in 2025 – it’s the result of years of broken promises, collapsing asylum systems, and politically driven gimmicks.
What Labour has actually done
Since taking office, Labour has quietly set a different course — one that focuses less on headlines and more on functioning policy:
A new returns deal with France: A pilot scheme is now underway, allowing some migrants to be detained and sent back to France, while a small number may enter the UK via safe, legal routes. It’s not perfect, but it’s a step toward bilateral cooperation that was non-existent under the Tories.
Tighter international cooperation: Just this week, the National Crime Agency worked with Bulgarian police to seize 25 boats likely intended for smuggling operations in the Channel. That’s not an accident — that’s intelligence work, something Labour has prioritised.
Refocusing on smuggler networks: Labour is shifting the debate away from scapegoating migrants and toward dismantling the criminal gangs profiting from human desperation.
Real solutions take time
It is politically easy to shout from the sidelines, as Philp is doing.
It is far harder to build functioning systems to replace broken ones.
Returns deals, intelligence operations, and safe routes take months — sometimes years — to yield visible results.
Expecting immediate drops in crossing numbers is disingenuous at best, sabotage at worst.
No free pass – but fair criticism matters
None of this is to say Labour should be immune from scrutiny.
They must prove that their new approach works — not just in headlines, but in lives saved and border integrity restored.
But to judge them on July’s numbers, before any of their policies have had time to mature, is to argue in bad faith.
If we want serious answers to complex problems, we have to give serious policy the time to work.
The question isn’t whether Labour has solved the Channel crisis in twelve months.
The question is: are they at least trying something different — and does it have a chance?
So far, the answer to both is yes.
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