Is Michael Gove at the heart of an anti-British, neo-Conservative coup?

Peter Oborne has set his sights on Tory wetwipe Michael Gove, claiming he is at the centre of a power-grab by the rich, the press magnates and the think tanks that speak for wealth.

In his latest video clip, he says Gove is a neo-Conservative, rather than just a Tory – defined by the central idea that the end justifies the means.

He reckons Gove believes that the West (the UK, US and any allies) is involved in an eternal existential conflict with anybody else it fancies having a pop at, and can break any laws it wants in order to win.

And he’s Rupert Murdoch’s man in Westminster.

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This gives him an advantage because Murdoch controls so much of the UK’s media (and he also has support from the Torygraph and the Heil).

Murdoch is fanatically anti-Islam and a big supporter of Benjamin Netanyahu’s genocidal Israeli government, according to Oborne.

Gove, as a Murdoch man, works with the media to construct Islamophobic narratives, Oborne says. This would mark him out as a sectarian bigot – a racist, in common parlance.

If that is true, then he should not be a member of Parliament at all – firstly because the racism would make him unable to carry out his work for the benefit of everybody in his constituency (Surrey Heath), and secondly because his adherence to Murdoch makes him corrupt.

Oborne points to the moment when Gove was temporarily out of the government, and he interviewed Donald Trump – with Murdoch in the room. He says this indicates that Gove is a right-wing Republican – not just a Republican in the American sense of the word, but on the far right of that far right group: “Way off any known scale of ordinary political discourse.”

The moment when Oborne says Gove is “ferociously pro-Israeli” may be unintentionally harsher than intended, as it uses a clip of Gove saying “The IDF embody the Jewish spirit”. That’s not a good thing to be caught saying when so many members of the IDF are accused of raping and sexually assaulting Palestinian women and underage girls.

His follow-up line, “We stand with Israel, now and forever,” is also highly suspect when it means supporting a state of genocidal imperialists who seem determined to carve territory out of other countries through bloodshed.

Gove rejects the Oslo Accords, which call for a two-state solution to the Israel/Palestine question and are UK government policy, as he rejected the Good Friday Agreement (also government policy) – making him an extremist by UK standards.

Oborne questions Gove’s treatment of the late Queen, Elizabeth II, saying he was one of a group of privy councillors who discussed Brexit with her and then leaked her opinions to the press (although he denied it). The UK’s monarch is constitutionally-bound not to express opinions on politics in public.

He was also part of the Johnson government that actively lied to the late Queen about the prorogation of Parliament.

So he’s hostile to the mechanisms of the UK state and to the rule of law; he’s a revolutionary with more in common with Lenin than, say, Thatcher – and had a bust of Lenin in his office.

He also had a picture of Malcolm X, who was known for his phrase, “By any means necessary.” Alternatively: the end justifies the means.

Gove sympathises with that, says Oborne, because he feels constrained by the traditional state from realising his own ambitions for society. So for him, it doesn’t matter that he has broken rules or lied to the Queen; the end justifies the means.

Oborne points out that Malcolm X, as a member of an ethnic group that suffered institutional persecution in the United States, had far more justification for his point of view than Gove, a highly-privileged member of the UK’s power elite.

And Oborne points out the paradox of Gove, who idolises Malcolm X and Lenin, accusing others of extremism.

Oborne goes on to discuss Gove’s penchant for quoting Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci who believed that, to achieve anything of worth, the Left should not only win political power but “capture” the institutions of the state.  Gove inverted this, (falsely) believing the institutions of the state have been captured by the left and it is not enough to win elections; these institutions must be re-taken by the right-wingers.

So we see endless attacks on the BBC (and its capture by the appointment of Tories to key roles in it); constant attacks on the civil service because Gove cannot accept that it is impartial, in order to put Tories in place there too – thereby destroying its impartiality and creating openings for serious mistakes.

This comes across very clearly in the appointment of anti-Islamists to oversee the Prevent scheme and counter-extremism strategies.

Oborne mentions in particular Lord Walney (formerly right-wing Labour MP John Woodcock), advisor on political violence despite having no credentials in that field, who has spoken out strongly against the Palestine Solidarity Campaign after taking hospitality from the Israel lobby.

Oborne moves on to say that free speech is being targeted too. This Writer only has to look at the artificial ways in which the readerships of sites like Vox PoliticalAnother Angry Voice and others have been shrunk (right-wing social media platforms have made it harder for users to find us) to know that this is true.

Oborne describes Gove and his ilk as “creating a new kind of thought police which tells us who we are and what we can say and what we can’t” – because they are working to change “the nature of Britain”.

He points to the pro-Palestine marches, saying they are not examples of extremism but thoroughly mainstream events; people in the UK have marched to highlight issues for more than a century at least. Smearing them as extremist attacks freedom of association and freedom of speech.

So Gove and his people are attacking fundamental British values and what it means to be British. Right?


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