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The publication of immigration data on Universal Credit claimants tells us less about them — and more about those who demanded it.
When the UK government released immigration-status data on Universal Credit claimants for the first time, the headlines could have written themselves.
“1.2 million foreign-born people claiming benefits”.
“16 per cent of Universal Credit recipients are not British.”
For some politicians, particularly from Reform UK and sections of the Conservative Party, it was a moment of vindication.
They had pushed for these figures, and now they had them.
But why? And what did they expect the public to do with this information?
You see: on closer inspection, the figures tell us very little that should cause alarm — and nothing that justifies the manufactured outrage.
Let’s begin with the facts.
What the data actually says
In June 2025, around 7.9 million people were claiming Universal Credit (UC), a benefit intended to support people with low incomes or who are out of work.
Of those, 83.6 per cent were British, Irish, or had an automatic right to reside in the UK under the Common Travel Area.
That leaves roughly 16.4 per cent, or 1.2 million claimants, who were born overseas.
But this group is far from homogeneous, and most are fully entitled to the support they receive.
- 9.7 per cent (approx. 770,000) are EU citizens with settled status, having arrived before Brexit. They have the legal right to live and work in the UK.
- 2.7 per cent (approx. 211,000) have Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR).
- 1.5 per cent (approx. 119,000) are recognised refugees, protected under international law.
- 0.7 per cent (approx. 54,000) arrived through official humanitarian schemes, including those for Ukrainians and Afghans.
- 1.0 per cent (approx. 75,000) have limited leave to remain, often as workers or family members of UK citizens.
- 0.8 per cent (approx. 65,000) fall into other categories or were unclassified due to data gaps.
In every case, these individuals are either lawfully resident or have met strict eligibility criteria.
They are not “illegally” receiving benefits.
In fact, people without legal immigration status are not allowed to claim UC at all, and the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) checks immigration status against Home Office records.
Legal entitlement, real contributions
What the data doesn’t show — but what must be said — is that many of these foreign-born claimants are also contributors.
Nearly half of EU-settled claimants are working.
Working UC claimants contribute through taxes like anyone else — including National Insurance and, in many cases, income tax.
Refugees and ILR holders are legally permitted to work, and many do.
Universal Credit is not a handout for those unwilling to contribute; it’s a backstop for those who need support.
That includes workers in low-paid or insecure jobs, people who have fallen on hard times, or those with disabilities or caring responsibilities.
The system is designed to be accessible to those who live here legally and contribute to the economy — regardless of where they were born.
So Why Push for the Data?
If there is no evidence of fraud or abuse, no spike in foreign-born claimants, and no legal irregularity, we must ask: why was this data demanded in the first place?
The answer lies in politics, not policy.
Reform UK and some right-wing Conservatives are invested in a narrative that immigration is a drain on the UK, and that welfare is being exploited by those who shouldn’t be here.
Publishing this data allowed them to reinforce that narrative with a big, scary number — 1.2 million — even though the truth behind it is utterly unremarkable.
Did they want to explain the nuances? Probably not.
Did they want the outrage? Almost certainly.
They wanted headlines, social media fodder, and talking points for interviews.
And most of all, they wanted to divide.
That’s because, in the absence of any real scandal, what remains is only the implication that those born abroad are less deserving.
This is not an accident. It’s strategy.
Feeding division during economic anxiety
With the country facing inflation, housing shortages, and public service strain, it’s easy to sow resentment.
And what better scapegoat than someone who looks or sounds different, or whose name doesn’t appear English on a benefits form?
By highlighting the foreign-born share of the UC claimant pool — without any context — politicians are playing an old, dangerous game: xenophobia – blame the outsider.
This approach is not just misleading, it is corrosive.
It pits neighbour against neighbour and distracts from the real reasons people struggle: low wages, high rents, insecure work, and years of underinvestment in welfare and public services.
It is also self-defeating.
Many of the migrants being targeted have filled essential jobs in care, logistics, agriculture, and the NHS.
To vilify them for needing support during hard times is both morally suspect and economically foolish.
The real numbers tell a different story
It is worth noting that while the number of UC claimants rose from 5.5 million in 2022 to 7.9 million in 2025, the proportion of overseas-born claimants has remained steady at around 15–17 per cent.
There has been no sudden influx of foreign-born claimants.
If anything, the system has remained stable, and the rules are being followed.
So when Conservative MP Chris Philp calls the figures “staggering,” or Rupert Lowe describes the situation as “insanity,” it seems to This Writer that they are trying to inflame us – and hoping the public won’t look too closely.
That’s because, up close, the story changes.
It becomes a chronicle of a complex but functional welfare system, serving people in need, regardless of nationality.
It becomes a story of inclusion, not abuse.
Inform, not inflame
It is right that data like this is made public.
Transparency matters.
But transparency without context is not clarity — it’s manipulation.
The goal of publishing data should be to inform, not inflame.
What we’ve seen instead is an attempt to turn a routine statistical release into a political weapon.
A number was dangled like bait, and those who wanted to stir up resentment ran with it.
But facts still matter.
And they show that this supposed scandal is anything but.
It’s a distraction.
A dog whistle.
A smokescreen.
And it should be called out as such.
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Benefits, borders, blame: why this immigration data request was never about facts
Share this post:
The publication of immigration data on Universal Credit claimants tells us less about them — and more about those who demanded it.
When the UK government released immigration-status data on Universal Credit claimants for the first time, the headlines could have written themselves.
“1.2 million foreign-born people claiming benefits”.
“16 per cent of Universal Credit recipients are not British.”
For some politicians, particularly from Reform UK and sections of the Conservative Party, it was a moment of vindication.
They had pushed for these figures, and now they had them.
But why? And what did they expect the public to do with this information?
You see: on closer inspection, the figures tell us very little that should cause alarm — and nothing that justifies the manufactured outrage.
Let’s begin with the facts.
What the data actually says
In June 2025, around 7.9 million people were claiming Universal Credit (UC), a benefit intended to support people with low incomes or who are out of work.
Of those, 83.6 per cent were British, Irish, or had an automatic right to reside in the UK under the Common Travel Area.
That leaves roughly 16.4 per cent, or 1.2 million claimants, who were born overseas.
But this group is far from homogeneous, and most are fully entitled to the support they receive.
In every case, these individuals are either lawfully resident or have met strict eligibility criteria.
They are not “illegally” receiving benefits.
In fact, people without legal immigration status are not allowed to claim UC at all, and the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) checks immigration status against Home Office records.
Legal entitlement, real contributions
What the data doesn’t show — but what must be said — is that many of these foreign-born claimants are also contributors.
Nearly half of EU-settled claimants are working.
Working UC claimants contribute through taxes like anyone else — including National Insurance and, in many cases, income tax.
Refugees and ILR holders are legally permitted to work, and many do.
Universal Credit is not a handout for those unwilling to contribute; it’s a backstop for those who need support.
That includes workers in low-paid or insecure jobs, people who have fallen on hard times, or those with disabilities or caring responsibilities.
The system is designed to be accessible to those who live here legally and contribute to the economy — regardless of where they were born.
So Why Push for the Data?
If there is no evidence of fraud or abuse, no spike in foreign-born claimants, and no legal irregularity, we must ask: why was this data demanded in the first place?
The answer lies in politics, not policy.
Reform UK and some right-wing Conservatives are invested in a narrative that immigration is a drain on the UK, and that welfare is being exploited by those who shouldn’t be here.
Publishing this data allowed them to reinforce that narrative with a big, scary number — 1.2 million — even though the truth behind it is utterly unremarkable.
Did they want to explain the nuances? Probably not.
Did they want the outrage? Almost certainly.
They wanted headlines, social media fodder, and talking points for interviews.
And most of all, they wanted to divide.
That’s because, in the absence of any real scandal, what remains is only the implication that those born abroad are less deserving.
This is not an accident. It’s strategy.
Feeding division during economic anxiety
With the country facing inflation, housing shortages, and public service strain, it’s easy to sow resentment.
And what better scapegoat than someone who looks or sounds different, or whose name doesn’t appear English on a benefits form?
By highlighting the foreign-born share of the UC claimant pool — without any context — politicians are playing an old, dangerous game: xenophobia – blame the outsider.
This approach is not just misleading, it is corrosive.
It pits neighbour against neighbour and distracts from the real reasons people struggle: low wages, high rents, insecure work, and years of underinvestment in welfare and public services.
It is also self-defeating.
Many of the migrants being targeted have filled essential jobs in care, logistics, agriculture, and the NHS.
To vilify them for needing support during hard times is both morally suspect and economically foolish.
The real numbers tell a different story
It is worth noting that while the number of UC claimants rose from 5.5 million in 2022 to 7.9 million in 2025, the proportion of overseas-born claimants has remained steady at around 15–17 per cent.
There has been no sudden influx of foreign-born claimants.
If anything, the system has remained stable, and the rules are being followed.
So when Conservative MP Chris Philp calls the figures “staggering,” or Rupert Lowe describes the situation as “insanity,” it seems to This Writer that they are trying to inflame us – and hoping the public won’t look too closely.
That’s because, up close, the story changes.
It becomes a chronicle of a complex but functional welfare system, serving people in need, regardless of nationality.
It becomes a story of inclusion, not abuse.
Inform, not inflame
It is right that data like this is made public.
Transparency matters.
But transparency without context is not clarity — it’s manipulation.
The goal of publishing data should be to inform, not inflame.
What we’ve seen instead is an attempt to turn a routine statistical release into a political weapon.
A number was dangled like bait, and those who wanted to stir up resentment ran with it.
But facts still matter.
And they show that this supposed scandal is anything but.
It’s a distraction.
A dog whistle.
A smokescreen.
And it should be called out as such.
Share this post:
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